Over the past four days tens of thousands of people have taken to the streets in Hong Kong demanding Beijing grant them free and democratic elections, but the protests have been in the making for almost 20 years.
It goes back to an agreement made between Britain and China before control of Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997.
At the time, Beijing agreed to a policy of “one country, two systems”. The idea was that Hong Kong would be given a unique status as a "special administrative region”. It would retain its own capitalist system, and continue to enjoy relative freedoms.
A big part of these negotiations was that Beijing promised to allow Hong Kong citizens to elect their own leader (called a Chief Executive) in 2017. The right to vote is referred to as “universal suffrage”.
Professor Jocelyn Chey was the Australian consul general Hong Kong in the early 1990s, when the negotiations were taking place. She said there were early signs the promise may not be all that it seemed.
"I'm reminded of a statement from a Chinese official – I can’t name him. When I was consul general in Hong Kong, this official said that China had no objection to elections but they did like to know in advance what the results of the election were going to be," she said.
Since then, Beijing reaffirmed its commitment to support Hong Kong’s move towards universal suffrage in 2007.
But in August this year, Beijing backtracked, announcing it would allow Hong Kong citizens a choice of just three candidates which it would select.
“It's really a false front of democracy. The outcome is already determined by Beijing. And this is what has really outraged people in Hong Kong. They regard it as China going back on promises that were made," Professor Chey said.
Protesters described it a “sham democracy”. Some expressed concerns this was just one step in a bigger process and their rights would be stripped back even further by the central Chinese government.
Former Secretary of Hong Kong, Anson Chan, told CNN frustration has been building for a while.
“I'm afraid we're seeing a steady chipping away at "two-systems", an erosion of our core values, independence of the judiciary, and the rights and freedoms that we (once) enjoyed under the basic law."
Who are the protesters?
Protests began with a group of university and high school students boycotting classes. While it started as largely a youth-led movement, it has since attracted a wider demographic.
Some of the key figures in the protests include 17-year old Joshua Wong, leader of the "Scholarism" movement, which opposed plans for compulsory “moral and patriotic education” in Hong Kong.
Benny Tai Yiu-ting, an associate law professor at the University of Hong Kong, joined in with a peaceful civil disobedience movement called Occupy Central With Love and Peace, usually referred to as simply Occupy Central, to resist Beijing's control over Hong Kong and to call for free and fair elections.
One of the protest leaders, Joshua Wong outside the Hong Kong government offices on 29 September 2014. (ALEX HOFFORD, EPA)
The group Occupy Central has no affiliation with the ‘Occupy Wall Street’ protests.
There have been solidarity demonstrations around the world, including in Australia, Canada and the U.S.
Does everyone in Hong Kong want full democracy?
No. Pro-Beijing groups, like "The Silent Majority for Hong Kong”, have emerged, and say the activists will "endanger Hong Kong" and cause chaos.
Thousands of people attended the group's counter-protests, although doubts have been raised about their legitimacy, amid reports demonstrators were paid to attend.
There are also concerns among business leaders that protests, which have taken place in the heart of the city’s financial district will create instability which is bad for business.
"We have a younger generation taking over who are more ready for action and less patient."
Dr Thomas Bartlett, from Melbourne’s La Trobe University, said much of the opposition comes down to economics.
“There is an influential group of people in Hong Kong. Most of them very wealthy, who have close connections in Beijing, and close connections overseas, and who want to steer a kind of middle path that will avoid a crackdown, that will retain the confidence of investors,” he said.
Memories of Tiananmen
Some of the people taking part in the protests were also involved in the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, according to Jonathan Fenby, the former editor of Hong Kong newspaper, The South China Morning Post.
The incident, in which the Chinese military mowed down protesters has been shrouded in secrecy and censorship in mainland China, with many young people in Beijing never hearing of the event.
Hong Kong holds yearly vigils commemorating the event.
Mr Fenby said memories of the brutal crackdown would be weighing heavily on the minds of those taking part in protests today.
“They had to leave the mainland of China, of course, after that. There is this feeling that (the protesters) are waging part of a universal crusade for democracy.”
A fight for Hong Kong's future
Pro-democracy campaigners say what is at stake is about more than the 2017 elections. They're also about the larger question of whether or not Hong Kong will remain fundamentally free
Mr Fenby said the high proportion of young people involved in the protests represents a generational change.
Pro-democracy protesters use umbrellas to shield themselves from pepper spray as police attempt to disperse protesters on September 28, 2014. Source: AFP
“In 1997, the pro-democracy movement was very much a kind of middle-class, professional movement, led by lawyers and professional people, and we now have a younger generation taking over who are more ready for action and less patient with the very slow political process in Hong Kong.”
The idea of change is one that many members of Hong Kong’s older generation have lost faith in, according to Dr Bartlett.
“Perhaps some people of more mature years would say, ‘well what do young people know about how to run a territory, a city or a country? They’re just easily excited by promises they don’t understand’.”
While there's a lot at stake, Ms Chan said Hong Kong’s future lies in the balance, with mostly young protestors leading the fight for universal suffrage.
"I think the younger generation is the hope for Hong Kong. Yes, they have ideals. They have the courage of their convictions. They are fighting for their future. They want to maintain their core values, and our lifestyle and they're prepared to make sacrifices. I have great admiration for the younger generation and I see in them, our future political leaders."
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